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Criminal Dominion: The Political Power of Crime and the State’s Role in Perpetual Victimhood – An Essay

Crime as an Act of Political Power: Criminals, Victims, and the Complicity of Politicians

Primary Category: Sociology & Political Science // Editorial

Intended Audience: General Public

Author:
•  Tim McGuinness, Ph.D. – Anthropologist, Scientist, Director of the Society of Citizens Against Relationship Scams Inc.

About This Article

An Essay: Crime is an act of political power, where criminals assert dominance over victims, reshaping social hierarchies through coercion, as Mark Haugaard notes, defining power as “dominating.” From street gangs to cybercriminals, offenders govern—levying taxes, enforcing rules, or exploiting digital vulnerabilities—often more effectively than the state, per Ana Arjona’s findings. Victims, stripped of agency, retreat into “low-intensity citizenship,” as Sabrina Karim observes, their subjugation deepened by violence’s productive nature, per Stathis Kalyvas.

Politicians, through inaction or inadequate response, perpetuate this imbalance, condemning communities to permanent victimhood. Gilbert Geis and Javier Auyero highlight how political negligence enables crime, while David Wall and Susan Brenner show cybercrime’s unchecked rise mirrors this failure. As Hannah Arendt and Katherine Beckett suggest, deterrence falters and rhetoric prevails, leaving victims powerless. Crime, physical or digital, is thus a political tool, and political complicity ensures its enduring reign over the vulnerable.

Criminal Dominion: The Political Power of Crime and the State’s Role in Perpetual Victimhood - An Essay - 2025 - on SCARS Institute ScamsNOW.com - The Magazine of Scams

Crime as an Act of Political Power: Criminals, Victims, and the Complicity of Politicians

An Essay by Tim McGuinness, Ph.D.

Crime is not merely a violation of law; it is an assertion of power, a political act through which criminals dominate their victims and reshape the social order in their favor.

This power dynamic places victims in a state of subjugation, while politicians, through inaction or inadequate response, perpetuate this imbalance, effectively sentencing entire communities to permanent victimhood. Far from being apolitical, crime is a mechanism of control, and the failure of political systems to dismantle it reveals a deeper complicity in maintaining this oppressive structure. Scholars across disciplines—criminology, political science, and sociology—have long recognized the interplay between crime and political power, offering insights that illuminate this troubling reality.

At its core, crime is an exercise of power over others, a point underscored by sociologist Mark Haugaard, who argues, “Crime is socially constructed differently when power structures are either legitimate or illegitimate, and when power is either coercive or based on authority.” In the context of criminal acts, this power is inherently coercive, stripping victims of agency and imposing a new, violent hierarchy. A mugger wielding a knife does not just take a wallet; they assert dominance, forcing the victim into a position of submission. This aligns with Haugaard’s view that power, in its zero-sum form, is “dominating,” where one party’s gain comes at another’s loss. The criminal, in this moment, becomes a political actor, reshaping the victim’s reality through fear and control.

This perspective is echoed by criminologist Ana Arjona, who notes that criminal organizations often “engage in governance in the areas where they operate, often more effectively than the state.” Consider drug cartels or street gangs: they don’t just commit crimes; they establish parallel systems of authority, taxing residents, enforcing rules, and punishing dissent. Arjona’s research suggests that these groups “provide significant public goods and services to local communities,” filling voids left by weak or absent governments. In doing so, criminals wield a form of political power traditionally reserved for the state, subverting its monopoly on legitimate force. Victims, caught in this web, are not just harmed—they are governed by an illicit regime that dictates their daily lives.

The political nature of crime becomes even clearer when we examine its impact on victims. Political scientist Sabrina Karim observes, “Criminal victimization leads people to withdraw from political life into a ‘low intensity citizenship’ where their political and social rights are systematically violated.” This withdrawal is not a choice but a consequence of powerlessness. A victim of robbery or assault doesn’t just lose property or safety; they lose trust in the social contract, retreating from civic engagement out of fear or despair. Karim’s insight reveals how crime doesn’t merely disrupt—it disenfranchises, reducing victims to a permanent underclass within the polity.

Scholars like Stathis N. Kalyvas further refine this idea, arguing that “organized crime and civil wars share a logic of control, where violence is a tool to establish order.” A criminal who extorts a shopkeeper isn’t just profiting; they’re claiming sovereignty over that individual’s economic existence. This mirrors Kalyvas’s contention that violence is “not just destructive but productive,” creating new power structures in its wake. The victim, now beholden to the criminal’s whims, is politically neutered, their autonomy replaced by dependence on the very forces that oppress them. This dynamic is inherently political, as it reconfigures relationships of authority and submission outside the state’s purview.

But what of the politicians who allow this to persist? Their role—or lack thereof—is central to the thesis that crime condemns people to permanent victimhood. As criminologist Gilbert Geis and Robert Meier assert, political crime involves “illegal actions committed by political officeholders in the course of their duties,” but this can extend to negligence. When politicians fail to address rising crime rates, fund police adequately, or reform justice systems, they tacitly endorse the power criminals wield. Sociologist Javier Auyero amplifies this, noting, “The structurally veiled nature of political criminal behavior” ensures that “white-collar crime conducted by high-level officials often is hidden from public view.” While Auyero focuses on elite corruption, his point applies broadly: inaction at the top enables crime at the bottom, preserving a status quo where victims remain powerless.

This complicity is not abstract. Political scientist Justin de Benedictis-Kessner’s research into local governance reveals that “electing a Democrat mayor leads to proportionally fewer Black arrests for drug-related and ‘other’ uncategorized crimes,” suggesting that political choices can shift enforcement patterns. Yet, he cautions, “these differences are small,” indicating that even well-intentioned leaders struggle against systemic inertia. The result? Criminals retain their grip, and victims—disproportionately from marginalized groups—stay trapped. Political theorist Hannah Arendt reinforces this grim reality, stating, “No punishment has ever possessed enough power of deterrence to prevent the commission of crimes.” If punishment fails to deter, and politicians fail to innovate, the cycle of victimhood endures.

The permanence of this victimhood is perhaps the most damning indictment of the system. Sociologist Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz describe power’s “two faces”: the overt ability to coerce and the covert ability to limit options. Politicians, by not challenging the conditions that breed crime—poverty, inequality, broken institutions—exercise this second face, ensuring victims have no escape. As criminologist Katherine Beckett notes, “When politicians focus more attention on crime, public concern about crime increases,” yet this rarely translates into effective action. Instead, it becomes a rhetorical tool, leaving victims to bear the burden of a power imbalance politicians refuse to upend.

Consider the urban resident who, as researcher Ghassan Baliki reports, feels “very unsafe” walking streets after dark—a third of Sub-Saharan Africa’s city-dwellers share this fear. This is not just insecurity; it’s a loss of political agency, a surrender to the criminal’s dominion. Political scientist Lilliana Mason warns, “Once parties take sides on this particular issue, every election becomes an opportunity to use violence to achieve what you need to get.” When crime becomes a partisan football, as it has in many democracies, victims are pawns, their suffering prolonged by political gridlock.

Online scams and cybercrime extend this framework into the digital realm, where power is wielded through deception and exploitation rather than physical force. Criminologist David S. Wall argues, “Cybercrime is a form of social control that shifts power dynamics, where offenders exploit vulnerabilities to dominate victims remotely.” A phishing scam that drains a bank account or a ransomware attack locking a hospital’s systems doesn’t just steal—it subjugates, forcing victims into a virtual hierarchy ruled by unseen criminals. Wall’s research highlights how “the anonymity and reach of the internet amplify the offender’s power,” creating a global underclass of victims who are economically and emotionally crippled. These cybercriminals govern through code and coercion, their political power manifesting in the chaos they sow and the dependence they enforce.

Politicians’ failure to curb cybercrime mirrors their neglect of traditional crime, cementing victims’ permanent subjugation. Cybersecurity scholar Susan W. Brenner notes, “Governments struggle to adapt legal frameworks to the borderless nature of cybercrime, leaving victims unprotected and offenders emboldened.” A victim of identity theft, for instance, faces not just financial loss but a protracted battle against a system ill-equipped to restore their agency. Brenner’s observation that “law enforcement lags behind the technological sophistication of criminals” underscores how political inaction—or inability—cedes control to digital overlords. As with street crime, this perpetuates a cycle where victims, stripped of recourse, remain under the thumb of those who exploit them, their victimhood entrenched by a state that cannot or will not intervene.

Scholars like Carlos Novella-García and Alexis Cloquell-Lozano argue that “when corruption is perceived as widespread, political and public ethics are needed to ensure that ‘the human condition is not easily corrupted.’” Their focus on corruption parallels the broader failure to curb street-level crime: both stem from a lack of accountability. Politicians who prioritize optics over reform—touting “law and order” without dismantling criminal power—condemn victims to a life under siege. As sociologist Anthony Giddens writes, “Power is the capacity to achieve outcomes,” and the outcome here is clear: a society where criminals rule and victims languish.

In conclusion, crime is an act of political power because it imposes a new order, one where criminals govern through fear and violence, and victims are stripped of agency. Politicians, by failing to disrupt this dynamic, perpetuate a system of permanent victimhood, where the powerless stay powerless. As Haugaard reminds us, “Power changes meaning relative to different language games,” and here, the game is rigged. Until political will aligns with the needs of the victimized, not the rhetoric of the powerful, this imbalance will persist—a quiet condemnation of society itself.

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